This House believes that northern Ireland would be better off if united with the Republic of Ireland

This House believes that northern Ireland would be better off if united with the Republic of Ireland

The question of unifying Ireland has been around ever since Ireland was partitioned in 1921. Ireland had first been invaded by the British in 1167 British control was only strongly enforced from 1534. It was then that ‘planation’ occurred, whereby Scottish Presbyterians and British Protestants were invited to settle in Ireland, thus forming a strong protestant society and provide a stock of lords, land owners and powerful figures to control the Irish population. From the 18th century onwards there was a greater clamor for independence from Britain whilst the protestants in the North of the country preferred to remain part of Britain, culminating in the Home Rule bill of 1921 where the Unionists had managed to secure six Northern counties to be kept separate from the ‘Irish free state’ and remained part of the United Kingdom, creating Northern Ireland.  Treatment of the Catholic minority in Northern Ireland by the elite protestant Unionists sparked the beginning of The Troubles. Unionist groups, predominantly but not necessarily protestant, such as the UVF (Ulster Volunteer Force) fought the pro-Republic forces such as the IRA (Irish Republican Army). The British were inclined to favor the Unionists, believing that if they wanted to be part of the UK, the British had no right to prevent that. Resolution came in 1998 with the Good Friday Agreement* which agreed Northern Ireland’s position as a devolved part of the UK, meaning they were answerable to the British parliament but most decisions about governance are made in the Northern Irish Assembly. The agreement ensured that Northern Ireland would remain a devolved part of the UK until there was a majority vote in Northern Ireland in favor of re-unification with the Republic of Ireland. This debate looks at the reason why a united Ireland might be better, more legitimate, morally necessary than a partitioned Ireland.

* NIO, 1998, http://www.nio.gov.uk/agreement.pdf

Open all points
Points-for

Points For

POINT

The age of colonialism is over. We recognize that the dominance of one country over another is morally wrong. Ireland was already in the hands of the Irish people before English earls and kings invaded. The Irish had a right to the ownership of their land because they cultivated it and so put their labor into it. The use of force to seize that land from the people’s control is unjust because it denies them the right they had to their land. They had no choice to voluntarily hand over their land either.

To right this historical wrong, the British government should relinquish Northern Ireland, just as they have decolonized the rest of the world ending the British empire except for a few scattered outposts.  Since Hong Kong was handed back to China in 1997 Northern Ireland is the only remaining colony with a significant population and independent identity.

COUNTERPOINT

The Unionists in Northern Ireland who wish to remain part of the UK should have the freedom to do so.  To disown Northern Ireland would be a second involuntary decision made by an outsider.

POINT

The people of Northern Ireland should have decided whether or not they wanted to be united with Northern Ireland, rather than it being battled out in the British Parliament and the country partitioned by the Government of Ireland Act of 1920* that created a separate parliament for the six counties of Northern Ireland.** It was because the vote was not put to the Irish that the Unionists could twist arms and manipulate British politicians into allowing the six counties to remain part of the UK. After partition, the Unionists fixed electoral boundaries so there would never be a Republican majority in an electorate. This was unjust and illegitimately prevented a pro-Republic vote passing in future.

* Government of Ireland Act, 1920, http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/1920/67/pdfs/ukpga_19200067_en.pdf

** Ferriter, ‘Ireland in the Twentieth Century’, http://www.gov.ie/en/essays/twentieth.html

COUNTERPOINT

An attempt at a plebiscite in 1921/22 under the specter of a war of independence and civil war would have been fraught with danger and even more open to intimidation than the House of Commons.

It would be undemocratic to relinquish Northern Ireland today, because recent polls have shown that the majority of people want to remain within the UK. *

*Moriarty, 2011, http://www.irishtimes.com/newspaper/ireland/2011/0620/1224299225080.html

POINT

Unrest in Northern Ireland was started by the appalling treatment of the Catholic minority there. When there was a Northern Ireland Parliament there was some gerrymandering, while the discrimination in representation was slight very few nationalists were able to get senior jobs, in the civil service for example in 1927 fourteen of the 229 officers of staff officer rank or above, or 6 per cent, were Catholic, while in 1959 there were forty-six Catholics out of 740 in such ranks, or once again, 6 per cent.* Over the years reforms have been introduced but there is still huge stigma against the Catholic community in Northern Ireland, who have little representation in politics, because it is dominated by Unionist rhetoric.

The best way to ensure equal treatment of the Catholics in Ireland is to unite majority Protestant Northern Ireland with Catholic majority Republic of Ireland, where they will be better represented in politics and not stigmatized by their neighbors.

*Whyte, 1983, http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/issues/discrimination/whyte.htm

COUNTERPOINT

There is no evidence that the Catholic population today suffers a bias in the current political system, except for that which they make for themselves. As of 2010 the Catholic representation in the House of Commons is 5 Sinn Fein and 3 SDLP against 8 Democratic Unionists,* it is only the fact that the Sinn Fein members do not take up their seats that make things uneven. In the NI Assembly things are slightly more skewed. As of 2011 there are 55 Unionists and 43 Republicans.**

Attacks against Catholics are not based on religious lines. Unionist attacks are only focused on those Catholics that are Republicans. In general Catholics are perfectly safe in Northern Ireland.

Additionally in united Ireland, the Protestants would become the marginalized minority. Abortion is illegal in the Republic of Ireland***, for example, which will inhibit the freedom of non- Catholics. Such laws are likely to stay because of the overwhelming Catholic majority.

*Parliament.uk, 2011, http://www.parliament.uk/mps-lords-and-offices/mps/state-of-the-parties/

**Northern Ireland Assembly, 2011, http://www.niassembly.gov.uk/members/breakdown.htm

***Wikipedia, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Abortion_in_the_Republic_of_Ireland

POINT

A united Ireland doesn’t have to marginalize the Protestant population. If they are included more in the political process there can be debate, discussion and an airing of grievances which can then be resolved.

There is little sense of attachment to the UK, and British institutions. Much like the Scottish and Welsh, the Northern Irish feel Northern Irish. This shows that the ties to Britain are not emotional, but political. It is clear that Unionists just want to have power over how they run their lives. If Unionists are included in the political process in a united Ireland they will have no grievances and there will finally be a lasting peace.

COUNTERPOINT

We are at peace now. The Good Friday Agreement has created stability, with the exception of occasional outbreaks but nothing like the horror of The Troubles. We do not need re-unification to have stability. In fact, the positive outcome that might happen is unsure and not a reason worth gambling on.

It is likely that there will be conflict in the beginning. Such a huge move will come to Unionists as a shock and without knowing how much power they will have, having to answer to Dublin, it is likely that paramilitary activities will flare up again. This will, of course, spark off IRA and other Republican attacks. If escalations get worse, the British may intervene as well as the Irish army and there may be an entire repeat of The Troubles.

POINT

A Unified Ireland would be better off economically. “Ireland is too small for two separate administrations….There is a draw towards the greater integration of services, structures and bodies on an all-Ireland basis in order to deliver quality services and economies of scale.” – Martin McGuinness, Deputy First Minister for Northern Ireland*

Having two electricity grids, two transport networks, two separate police and judiciary hamper economic growth and waste resources that could be better used in a unified system, as cost would lower as efficiency rises.

*McGuinness, 2010, http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/feb/18/irish-reunification-key

COUNTERPOINT

If you were to adopt a federal system, which would best please Unionists, the systems would not integrate very much anyway as Northern Irish ‘states’ would want their own state constitution and have separate judiciary to the rest of Ireland, as is the practice in the US.

Points-against

Points Against

POINT

The age of colonialism is over. We recognize that the dominance of one country over another is morally wrong. Ireland was already in the hands of the Irish people before English earls and kings invaded. The Irish had a right to the ownership of their land because they cultivated it and so put their labor into it. The use of force to seize that land from the people’s control is unjust because it denies them the right they had to their land. They had no choice to voluntarily hand over their land either.

To right this historical wrong, the British government should relinquish Northern Ireland, just as they have decolonized the rest of the world ending the British empire except for a few scattered outposts.  Since Hong Kong was handed back to China in 1997 Northern Ireland is the only remaining colony with a significant population and independent identity.

COUNTERPOINT

The Unionists in Northern Ireland who wish to remain part of the UK should have the freedom to do so.  To disown Northern Ireland would be a second involuntary decision made by an outsider.

POINT

The people of Northern Ireland should have decided whether or not they wanted to be united with Northern Ireland, rather than it being battled out in the British Parliament and the country partitioned by the Government of Ireland Act of 1920* that created a separate parliament for the six counties of Northern Ireland.** It was because the vote was not put to the Irish that the Unionists could twist arms and manipulate British politicians into allowing the six counties to remain part of the UK. After partition, the Unionists fixed electoral boundaries so there would never be a Republican majority in an electorate. This was unjust and illegitimately prevented a pro-Republic vote passing in future.

* Government of Ireland Act, 1920, http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/1920/67/pdfs/ukpga_19200067_en.pdf

** Ferriter, ‘Ireland in the Twentieth Century’, http://www.gov.ie/en/essays/twentieth.html

COUNTERPOINT

An attempt at a plebiscite in 1921/22 under the specter of a war of independence and civil war would have been fraught with danger and even more open to intimidation than the House of Commons.

It would be undemocratic to relinquish Northern Ireland today, because recent polls have shown that the majority of people want to remain within the UK. *

*Moriarty, 2011, http://www.irishtimes.com/newspaper/ireland/2011/0620/1224299225080.html

POINT

Unrest in Northern Ireland was started by the appalling treatment of the Catholic minority there. When there was a Northern Ireland Parliament there was some gerrymandering, while the discrimination in representation was slight very few nationalists were able to get senior jobs, in the civil service for example in 1927 fourteen of the 229 officers of staff officer rank or above, or 6 per cent, were Catholic, while in 1959 there were forty-six Catholics out of 740 in such ranks, or once again, 6 per cent.* Over the years reforms have been introduced but there is still huge stigma against the Catholic community in Northern Ireland, who have little representation in politics, because it is dominated by Unionist rhetoric.

The best way to ensure equal treatment of the Catholics in Ireland is to unite majority Protestant Northern Ireland with Catholic majority Republic of Ireland, where they will be better represented in politics and not stigmatized by their neighbors.

*Whyte, 1983, http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/issues/discrimination/whyte.htm

COUNTERPOINT

There is no evidence that the Catholic population today suffers a bias in the current political system, except for that which they make for themselves. As of 2010 the Catholic representation in the House of Commons is 5 Sinn Fein and 3 SDLP against 8 Democratic Unionists,* it is only the fact that the Sinn Fein members do not take up their seats that make things uneven. In the NI Assembly things are slightly more skewed. As of 2011 there are 55 Unionists and 43 Republicans.**

Attacks against Catholics are not based on religious lines. Unionist attacks are only focused on those Catholics that are Republicans. In general Catholics are perfectly safe in Northern Ireland.

Additionally in united Ireland, the Protestants would become the marginalized minority. Abortion is illegal in the Republic of Ireland***, for example, which will inhibit the freedom of non- Catholics. Such laws are likely to stay because of the overwhelming Catholic majority.

*Parliament.uk, 2011, http://www.parliament.uk/mps-lords-and-offices/mps/state-of-the-parties/

**Northern Ireland Assembly, 2011, http://www.niassembly.gov.uk/members/breakdown.htm

***Wikipedia, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Abortion_in_the_Republic_of_Ireland

POINT

A united Ireland doesn’t have to marginalize the Protestant population. If they are included more in the political process there can be debate, discussion and an airing of grievances which can then be resolved.

There is little sense of attachment to the UK, and British institutions. Much like the Scottish and Welsh, the Northern Irish feel Northern Irish. This shows that the ties to Britain are not emotional, but political. It is clear that Unionists just want to have power over how they run their lives. If Unionists are included in the political process in a united Ireland they will have no grievances and there will finally be a lasting peace.

COUNTERPOINT

We are at peace now. The Good Friday Agreement has created stability, with the exception of occasional outbreaks but nothing like the horror of The Troubles. We do not need re-unification to have stability. In fact, the positive outcome that might happen is unsure and not a reason worth gambling on.

It is likely that there will be conflict in the beginning. Such a huge move will come to Unionists as a shock and without knowing how much power they will have, having to answer to Dublin, it is likely that paramilitary activities will flare up again. This will, of course, spark off IRA and other Republican attacks. If escalations get worse, the British may intervene as well as the Irish army and there may be an entire repeat of The Troubles.

POINT

A Unified Ireland would be better off economically. “Ireland is too small for two separate administrations….There is a draw towards the greater integration of services, structures and bodies on an all-Ireland basis in order to deliver quality services and economies of scale.” – Martin McGuinness, Deputy First Minister for Northern Ireland*

Having two electricity grids, two transport networks, two separate police and judiciary hamper economic growth and waste resources that could be better used in a unified system, as cost would lower as efficiency rises.

*McGuinness, 2010, http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/feb/18/irish-reunification-key

COUNTERPOINT

If you were to adopt a federal system, which would best please Unionists, the systems would not integrate very much anyway as Northern Irish ‘states’ would want their own state constitution and have separate judiciary to the rest of Ireland, as is the practice in the US.

POINT

The Republic of Ireland is currently in a crisis. It is the I in P.I.G.S, the European Union countries whose economies are bust and require a bailout package. It would not be to the benefit of either Northern Ireland joining such a fragile economy, nor would it be good for the Republic of Ireland, having the cut back on public spending whilst trying to integrate Northern Irish transport/police systems etc.

Northern Ireland is a weak economy anyway and a lot of employment comes from the public sector, 30% compared to the UK average of 21%.* The region is £9billion in the red or £5,502 per person, three times the UK average.** These jobs will obviously no longer be an option under re-unification and so there is likely to be mass employment amongst the newly integrated Northern Irish. To counter this, money from Republican taxpayers will have to go to subsidize business/building projects etc in the way the Germans in the West still subsidize the Eastern parts of Germany, over 50 years since the wall came down.

*HM Treasury, 2011, p.9 http://www.hm-treasury.gov.uk/d/rebalancing_the_northern_ireland_economy_consultation.pdf

**Fitzpatrick, 2011, http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/mobile/uk-northern-ireland-14845296

COUNTERPOINT

Economic fortunes rise and fall all the time. Many in Northern Ireland looked up enviously during the Republic’s boom. There were even clamors from Northern Irish politicians to lower the corporate tax in Northern Ireland to match the Republic’s success. So, economic reasons for opposing unification don’t stand in the long run.

POINT

The Good Friday agreement affirmed “That if, in the future, the people of the island of Ireland exercise their right of self-determination … to bring about a united Ireland, it will be a binding obligation on both Governments [UK and Ireland] to introduce and support in their respective Parliaments legislation to give effect to that wish”.* However as yet the Northern Irish do not wish to exercise this right. In a recent survey conducted by The Northern Ireland Life and Times  it transpired that, “Overall, 73 per cent believe the long-term policy for the North should be maintaining the union, with 58 per cent supporting devolution and 15 per cent in favour of direct rule. Just 16 per cent want a united Ireland, with 3 per favoring an independent Northern Ireland.” This is not just amongst the Protestant population. The survey also showed that, “just one in three Catholics (33 per cent) wants a united Ireland, while 52 per cent want the North to stay in the UK, with 46 per cent of Catholics happy with the devolved arrangements and 6 per cent favoring a return to direct rule from Westminster.”**

*NIO, 1998, http://www.nio.gov.uk/agreement.pdf

**Moriarty, 2011, http://www.irishtimes.com/newspaper/ireland/2011/0620/1224299225080.html

COUNTERPOINT

It is highly probable that opinion will shift. Current statistics reflect the fact that this generation has lived through The Troubles. The next generation is likely to see a nation divided, which appears to so obviously belong together.  There is no evidence that current opinion will not change with time.

POINT

As shown above, the Northern Irish don’t want to unite with the Republic. The Irish in the Republic will also resent the new drain on their economy. Either the Republican parties in Ireland will resent having to concede some power to new political entities or the Unionists will resent being marginalized. The recent reoccurrence of violence in Belfast is being attributed to the breakdown of protestant communities and low job prospects for young protestants. Both of these problems will be exacerbated in a majority Catholic Ireland. All of these examples illustrate how unrest is likely to breakout again in a united Ireland.

COUNTERPOINT

There are many ways to resolve some of these issues. Firstly, regarding political resentment, a system of federalism is likely to ensure some level of political autonomy on both sides. Secondly, such a huge project is likely to attract funds from the UN, EU, the IMF, from charities from private donors etc. So, the former Republic of Ireland will not be subsidizing the Northern Irish, nor will the Northerners be left without support. There will most likely to be international bodies and charities monitoring the transition too, so that any outburst of violence can be contained or reported.

Bibliography

BBC History, ‘Northern Ireland: The Troubles’, bbc.co.uk/history, 1 February 2007, http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/recent/troubles/overview_ni_article_07.shtml, accessed 12 September 2011

Ferrieter, David, ‘Ireland in the Twentieth Century’, gov.ie, http://www.gov.ie/en/essays/twentieth.html, accessed 12 September 2011

Fitzpatrick, Jim, ‘Northern Ireland receives most public money per head in UK’, BBC News, 8 September 2011, http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/mobile/uk-northern-ireland-14845296, accessed 12 September 2011

Government of Ireland Act, 1920, http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/1920/67/pdfs/ukpga_19200067_en.pdf, accessed 12 September 2011

HM Treasury, Rebalancing the Northern Ireland economy, March 2011, p.9 http://www.hm-treasury.gov.uk/d/rebalancing_the_northern_ireland_economy_consultation.pdf, 12 September 2011

McGuinness, Martin, ‘Time to debate a united Ireland’, guardian.co.uk, 18 February 2010, http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/feb/18/irish-reunification-key, accessed September 2011

Moriarty, Gerry, ‘Over half Catholics surveyed want North to stay in UK’, The Irish Times, 20 June 2011, http://www.irishtimes.com/newspaper/ireland/2011/0620/1224299225080.html, accessed 12 September 2011

Northern Ireland Assembly, ‘Membership of the Northern Ireland Assembly’, 2011, http://www.niassembly.gov.uk/members/breakdown.htm, accessed 12 September 2011

Northern Ireland Office, The Agreement, 10 April 1998, http://www.nio.gov.uk/agreement.pdf, accessed 12 September 2011

Parliament.uk, ‘Current state of the parties’, 1 July 2011, http://www.parliament.uk/mps-lords-and-offices/mps/state-of-the-parties/, accessed 12 September 2011

Sinn Fein, ‘A Green Paper on Irish Unity’, February 2005, http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/issues/politics/docs/sf/sf230205greenpaper.pdf, accessed 12 September 2011

Whyte, John, ‘How much discrimination was there under the unionist regime, 1921-68?’, Tom Gallagher and James O’Connell eds. Contemporary Irish Studies, 1983, http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/issues/discrimination/whyte.htm, accessed 12 September 2011

Wikipedia, ‘Abortion in Ireland’, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Abortion_in_the_Republic_of_Ireland, accessed 12 September 2011

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