This House believes the UN intervention in the Democratic Republic of Congo has been a success.

This House believes the UN intervention in the Democratic Republic of Congo has been a success.

The war in the Democratic Republic of Congo has been called ‘Africa’s first world war’. DR Congo is a vast country in Central Africa, often mentioned as being ‘the size of Western Europe’ torn by civil war and subject to repeated intervention by neighbouring states in the period 1997-2003. It has really been a succession of wars with the First Congo war being fought to overthrow the dictator Mobutu Sese Seko in 1996/7. A Second war involving Angola, Chad, Namibia, Zimbabwe, Uganda, Rwanda, and Burundi, as well as possibly Sudan, and about 20 different armed groups lasted from 1998 to 2003. There have also been several ongoing conflicts that have not yet fully ended; one comparatively minor conflict in the North West at Dongo and another in the west in Kivu. The total number of deaths was estimated as being at least 3.5 million in 2006[1] while in 2008 it was being reported that the conflict was continuing to kill about 45,000 each month, mostly children.[2]

As a conflict that has been ongoing for such a long time the Congolese wars have been a severe test for the United Nations and its peacekeeping system as they have clearly failed in either creating, or keeping the peace. The mandate of the UN mission has changed more than six times since November 1999 while trying to match political aims with the needs on the ground. The mission now has slightly over 20 000 troops, close to the total authorised in 2013 of 22,000,[3] but this force is trying to police a huge area. It also has a diverse mission to provide stability, protection for civilians and to support “the consolidation of State authority throughout the territory”.

It now seems that the United Nations may be on the brink of success. Peacekeepers usually stand back and attempt to keep the peace, they are not meant to go on the offensive, although they will fight back if fired on, however this changed in early 2013. UN Security Council Resolution 2098 “Decides to extend the mandate of MONUSCO in the DRC until 31 March 2014, [to] include an “Intervention Brigade”… with the responsibility of neutralizing armed groups… and the objective of contributing to reducing the threat posed by armed groups to state authority and civilian security in eastern DRC and to make space for stabilization activities”.[4] The UN was for the first time to go on the offensive.

Now it seems that this might have been a successful strategy. The rebel group that the UN and the Congolese army were targeting is M23, the biggest remaining rebel force who succeeded in taking the city of Goma in November 2012, which the government now claims they have defeated. A Government spokesperson has said "We can say that it's finished. But you never know. Those who escaped can come with hit-and-run operations so we have to end everything politically so that we are sure our people can sleep quietly without any threat." M23 has said that it will now adopt “purely political means” to achieve its goals. This gives the government the opportunity to demand that other groups give up – and threaten to disarm them by force if they don’t.[5]

The US special envoy, Russell Feingold, says “In a region that has suffered so much, this is obviously a significant positive step in the right direction.”[6] But will it actually be the end? Clearly there are more rebels in Eastern Congo and Feingold himself is suggesting that the next target should be the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) and we have seen before that conflict can flare up again in this volatile country.

Even if the conflict has been won it can be questioned whether the UN mission has been a success. Success means more than just defeating a rebellion in battle; it also has to mean creating a sustainable climate that will enable peace to continue and the UN mission to be withdrawn.  

[1] Coghlan, Benjamin et al., ‘Mortality in the Democratic Republic of Congo: a nationwide survey’, Lancet, vol 367, 2006, pp.44-51 http://conflict.lshtm.ac.uk/media/DRC_mort_2003_2004_Coghlan_Lancet_2006.pdf p.49

[2] McGreal, Chris, ‘War in Congo kills 45,000 people each month’, The Guardian, 23 January 2008, http://www.theguardian.com/world/2008/jan/23/congo.international

[3] ‘Monusco Facts and Figures’, MONUSCO, accessed 5 February 2014, http://www.un.org/en/peacekeeping/missions/monusco/facts.shtml

[4] ‘Resolution 2098 (2013)’, United Nations Security Council, S/RES/2098, 28 March 2013, http://www.un.org/en/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=S/RES/2098%282013%29

[5] ‘DR Congo government 'signs deal with M23 in Kenya'’, BBC News, 12 December 2013, http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-25357821

[6] Smith, David, ‘Congo’s M23 rebels call off revolt’, theguardian.com, 5 November 2013, http://www.theguardian.com/world/2013/nov/05/congo-m23-rebels-revolt-kabila

 

Open all points
Points-for

Points For

POINT

The elections process is moving ahead well. While elections cannot be said to be an unqualified success there have been two general elections, in 2006 and 2011. Local media is vibrant and competitive. And there were a large number of candidates. In the 2011 elections the observers from the African Union and other organisations welcomed “the successful holding of elections” and “the spirit of cooperation and solidarity”.[1] Moreover the whole election process is moving ahead; the country’s first ever local elections are planned for 2014.[2] This will provide the people with much more say over their daily lives. In a country with little centralised power like the DRC local elections are as important as national ones.

[1] African Union et al., ‘Joint Declaration on the presidential and parliamentary elections in the Democratic Republic of Congo’, au.int, 30 November 2011, http://www.au.int/en/sites/default/files/Joint_Statement_-_English%5B1%5D.pdf

[2] Enough Team, ‘A First for Congo: Local Elections Announced for 2014’, enough, 26 November 2013, http://www.enoughproject.org/blogs/first-congo-local-elections-announced-2014

COUNTERPOINT

Elections do not show the UN is moving Congo towards becoming a functioning democracy. In 2011 President Kabila has changed the election system to strengthen his own chances of re-election. The elections were hardly free and fair; the AU election monitors have every incentive to praise the elections but even they noted violence occurring. The US state department said “we believe that the management and technical execution of these elections were seriously flawed, lacked transparency and did not measure up to the democratic gains we have seen in recent African elections.”[1] The Carter Center found “multiple locations… reported impossibly high rates of 99 to 100 percent voter turnout with all, or nearly all, votes going to incumbent President Joseph Kabila.”[2] Worse the elections were marred by violence with at least 18 people killed in the run up to the vote.[3]

[1] Nuland, Victoria, ‘State Department on Results of Presidential Election in DRC’, US State Department, 14 December 2011, http://iipdigital.usembassy.gov/st/english/texttrans/2011/12/20111214164808su0.76815.html

[2] ‘Carter Center: DRC Presidential Election Results Lack Credibility’, The Carter Center, 10 December 2011, http://www.cartercenter.org/news/pr/drc-121011.html

[3] Callimachi, Rukmini, ‘Congo Elections 2011: Violence Kills At Least 18 People’, Huffington Post, 2 December 2011, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2011/12/02/congo-elections-2011-violence_n_1125142.html

POINT

In a war-torn society MONUSCO helps with disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR). DDR is of crucial importance for the future stability of the DRC. They have used the latest technology and decades of UN experience with visible success. Thousands of ex-combatants have already been returned to their homes and reintegrated into the lives of their communities. By March 2011 almost 210,000 ex-combatants had been through the demobilisation process – out of an estimated total of 300-330,000.[1] And almost 32,000 of 39,000 child soldiers had been reunited with their parents.[2]

[1] ‘Democratic Republic of Congo: Disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) and reform of the army’, Amnesty International, 25 January 2007, http://www.refworld.org/docid/45b99e572.html

[2] ‘Demobilization and Reintegration in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC)’, The World Bank, 11 March 2013, http://www.worldbank.org/en/results/2013/03/11/demobilization-and-reintegration-in-the-democratic-republic-of-congo

COUNTERPOINT

Not all rebels have disarmed; the FDLR group has said it will disarm but has not done so.[1] The disarmament, demobilization and reintegration programme faces coordination and financial problems. There is a security threat from volatile border regions that might reverse the whole DDR effort as militias and military units struggle for control over resources and terrorise the local population. MONUSCO can't protect the repatriated civilians, which may mean any demobilisation is only temporary. If violence flares then so will guns be taken up once more.

[1] Mvano, Chrispin, ‘U.N. Congo peacekeepers question Rwandan rebel disarmament claim’, Reuters, 4 February 2014, http://www.reuters.com/article/2014/02/04/us-congo-democratic-rwanda-idUSBREA130UR20140204

POINT

There has been some justice for past crimes. The former warlord Thomas Lubanga[1] and warlord and politician Jean-Pierre Bemba[2] have both been put on trial in the Hague for war crimes. Lubanga was found guilty of using child soldiers and given a 14 year sentence.[3] Additionally rebel General Laurent Nkunda has also been arrested in neighbouring Rwanda although there have as yet been no charges against him[4] the government of the DRC wishes to extradite him. showing that accountability is being introduced and providing a warning for current militia leaders.

[1] ‘Trial Reports: Lubanga Trial’, http://internationaljustice.idebate.org/osf-trial-reports/lubanga-trial

[2] ‘Trial Reports: Bemba Trial’, http://internationaljustice.idebate.org/osf-trial-reports/bemba-trial

[3] Wakabi, Wairagala, ‘Lubanga Given 14-Year Jail Sentence’, the Lubanga Trial, 10 July 2012, http://www.lubangatrial.org/2012/07/10/lubanga-given-14-year-jail-sentence/

[4] Nienaber, Georgianne, ‘What Happened to Congolese General Laurent Nkunda?’, Huffington Post, 20 January 2012, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/georgianne-nienaber/what-happened-to-congoles_b_1214372.html

COUNTERPOINT

The presence of the UN has not stopped human rights abuses. A recent UN report has highlighted that the Congolese army itself has been involved in such abuses particularly sexual violence. Convictions by the ICC are welcome but prosecuting a tiny number of leaders is a drop in the ocean of criminality that occurred, and still occurs in the DRC.

POINT

With the Ceasefire Agreement of Lusaka in July 1999 the so-called "Africa's World War" ended. Foreign occupiers (Rwanda, Uganda, Angola, Zimbabwe…) officially removed their troops from the territory under the sovereignty of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). MONUSCO has been involved in the process of peace-building ever since the Lusaka Agreement. The agreement ended the international element of the fighting leaving just conflicts with rebel militias. This too is now close to being finished. In November a peace deal was signed between the government and M23 in Kenya as a result of aggressive UN action.[1] With a deal struck with the biggest remaining rebel group DRC is close to permanent peace.

[1] ‘DR Congo government 'signs deal with M23 in Kenya'’, BBC News, 12 December 2013, http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-25357821

COUNTERPOINT

As recently as January 2014 the United Nations Security Council noted in a resolution “that the situation in the DRC continues to constitute a threat to international peace and security”.[1]

In the border regions of Ituri and Kivu armed fighting still goes on despite the supposed defeat pf M23. In December 2013 the bodies of 21 slaughtered civilians were found with the finger of blame pointing at the National Army for the Liberation of Uganda (NALU) and the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) showing that the fight is not yet fully won; there are still groups fighting.[2]

[1] ‘Resolution 2136 (2014)’, United Nations Security Council, 30 January 2014, http://www.securitycouncilreport.org/atf/cf/%7B65BFCF9B-6D27-4E9C-8CD3-CF6E4FF96FF9%7D/s_res_2136.pdf

[2] UN News Service, ‘Congo-Kinshasa: UN Boosts Attack Force in East After Gruesome Massacre of Civilians’, allAfrica, 16 December 2013, http://allafrica.com/stories/201312170071.html

Points-against

Points Against

POINT

The elections process is moving ahead well. While elections cannot be said to be an unqualified success there have been two general elections, in 2006 and 2011. Local media is vibrant and competitive. And there were a large number of candidates. In the 2011 elections the observers from the African Union and other organisations welcomed “the successful holding of elections” and “the spirit of cooperation and solidarity”.[1] Moreover the whole election process is moving ahead; the country’s first ever local elections are planned for 2014.[2] This will provide the people with much more say over their daily lives. In a country with little centralised power like the DRC local elections are as important as national ones.

[1] African Union et al., ‘Joint Declaration on the presidential and parliamentary elections in the Democratic Republic of Congo’, au.int, 30 November 2011, http://www.au.int/en/sites/default/files/Joint_Statement_-_English%5B1%5D.pdf

[2] Enough Team, ‘A First for Congo: Local Elections Announced for 2014’, enough, 26 November 2013, http://www.enoughproject.org/blogs/first-congo-local-elections-announced-2014

COUNTERPOINT

Elections do not show the UN is moving Congo towards becoming a functioning democracy. In 2011 President Kabila has changed the election system to strengthen his own chances of re-election. The elections were hardly free and fair; the AU election monitors have every incentive to praise the elections but even they noted violence occurring. The US state department said “we believe that the management and technical execution of these elections were seriously flawed, lacked transparency and did not measure up to the democratic gains we have seen in recent African elections.”[1] The Carter Center found “multiple locations… reported impossibly high rates of 99 to 100 percent voter turnout with all, or nearly all, votes going to incumbent President Joseph Kabila.”[2] Worse the elections were marred by violence with at least 18 people killed in the run up to the vote.[3]

[1] Nuland, Victoria, ‘State Department on Results of Presidential Election in DRC’, US State Department, 14 December 2011, http://iipdigital.usembassy.gov/st/english/texttrans/2011/12/20111214164808su0.76815.html

[2] ‘Carter Center: DRC Presidential Election Results Lack Credibility’, The Carter Center, 10 December 2011, http://www.cartercenter.org/news/pr/drc-121011.html

[3] Callimachi, Rukmini, ‘Congo Elections 2011: Violence Kills At Least 18 People’, Huffington Post, 2 December 2011, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2011/12/02/congo-elections-2011-violence_n_1125142.html

POINT

In a war-torn society MONUSCO helps with disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR). DDR is of crucial importance for the future stability of the DRC. They have used the latest technology and decades of UN experience with visible success. Thousands of ex-combatants have already been returned to their homes and reintegrated into the lives of their communities. By March 2011 almost 210,000 ex-combatants had been through the demobilisation process – out of an estimated total of 300-330,000.[1] And almost 32,000 of 39,000 child soldiers had been reunited with their parents.[2]

[1] ‘Democratic Republic of Congo: Disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) and reform of the army’, Amnesty International, 25 January 2007, http://www.refworld.org/docid/45b99e572.html

[2] ‘Demobilization and Reintegration in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC)’, The World Bank, 11 March 2013, http://www.worldbank.org/en/results/2013/03/11/demobilization-and-reintegration-in-the-democratic-republic-of-congo

COUNTERPOINT

Not all rebels have disarmed; the FDLR group has said it will disarm but has not done so.[1] The disarmament, demobilization and reintegration programme faces coordination and financial problems. There is a security threat from volatile border regions that might reverse the whole DDR effort as militias and military units struggle for control over resources and terrorise the local population. MONUSCO can't protect the repatriated civilians, which may mean any demobilisation is only temporary. If violence flares then so will guns be taken up once more.

[1] Mvano, Chrispin, ‘U.N. Congo peacekeepers question Rwandan rebel disarmament claim’, Reuters, 4 February 2014, http://www.reuters.com/article/2014/02/04/us-congo-democratic-rwanda-idUSBREA130UR20140204

POINT

There has been some justice for past crimes. The former warlord Thomas Lubanga[1] and warlord and politician Jean-Pierre Bemba[2] have both been put on trial in the Hague for war crimes. Lubanga was found guilty of using child soldiers and given a 14 year sentence.[3] Additionally rebel General Laurent Nkunda has also been arrested in neighbouring Rwanda although there have as yet been no charges against him[4] the government of the DRC wishes to extradite him. showing that accountability is being introduced and providing a warning for current militia leaders.

[1] ‘Trial Reports: Lubanga Trial’, http://internationaljustice.idebate.org/osf-trial-reports/lubanga-trial

[2] ‘Trial Reports: Bemba Trial’, http://internationaljustice.idebate.org/osf-trial-reports/bemba-trial

[3] Wakabi, Wairagala, ‘Lubanga Given 14-Year Jail Sentence’, the Lubanga Trial, 10 July 2012, http://www.lubangatrial.org/2012/07/10/lubanga-given-14-year-jail-sentence/

[4] Nienaber, Georgianne, ‘What Happened to Congolese General Laurent Nkunda?’, Huffington Post, 20 January 2012, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/georgianne-nienaber/what-happened-to-congoles_b_1214372.html

COUNTERPOINT

The presence of the UN has not stopped human rights abuses. A recent UN report has highlighted that the Congolese army itself has been involved in such abuses particularly sexual violence. Convictions by the ICC are welcome but prosecuting a tiny number of leaders is a drop in the ocean of criminality that occurred, and still occurs in the DRC.

POINT

With the Ceasefire Agreement of Lusaka in July 1999 the so-called "Africa's World War" ended. Foreign occupiers (Rwanda, Uganda, Angola, Zimbabwe…) officially removed their troops from the territory under the sovereignty of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). MONUSCO has been involved in the process of peace-building ever since the Lusaka Agreement. The agreement ended the international element of the fighting leaving just conflicts with rebel militias. This too is now close to being finished. In November a peace deal was signed between the government and M23 in Kenya as a result of aggressive UN action.[1] With a deal struck with the biggest remaining rebel group DRC is close to permanent peace.

[1] ‘DR Congo government 'signs deal with M23 in Kenya'’, BBC News, 12 December 2013, http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-25357821

COUNTERPOINT

As recently as January 2014 the United Nations Security Council noted in a resolution “that the situation in the DRC continues to constitute a threat to international peace and security”.[1]

In the border regions of Ituri and Kivu armed fighting still goes on despite the supposed defeat pf M23. In December 2013 the bodies of 21 slaughtered civilians were found with the finger of blame pointing at the National Army for the Liberation of Uganda (NALU) and the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) showing that the fight is not yet fully won; there are still groups fighting.[2]

[1] ‘Resolution 2136 (2014)’, United Nations Security Council, 30 January 2014, http://www.securitycouncilreport.org/atf/cf/%7B65BFCF9B-6D27-4E9C-8CD3-CF6E4FF96FF9%7D/s_res_2136.pdf

[2] UN News Service, ‘Congo-Kinshasa: UN Boosts Attack Force in East After Gruesome Massacre of Civilians’, allAfrica, 16 December 2013, http://allafrica.com/stories/201312170071.html

POINT

Although gradually improving the humanitarian situation in the DRC remains critical. Congo is lacking hospitals, access to safe water and adequate sanitary facilities. Life expectancy remains low at the age of 50.6 for women and 47.3 for men, and child mortality is 109.5 per 1000 births[1]. The country is constantly facing different epidemics; measles and even plague,[2] with HIV/AIDS a major threat. The humanitarian situation is unlikely to improve quickly when the DRC is not fully at peace. Even when this does occur DRC will still be one of the poorest countries in the world with little infrastructure.

[1] United Nations Statistics Division, ‘Democratic Republic of the Congo’, World Statistics Pocketbookhttp://data.un.org/CountryProfile.aspx?crName=Democratic%20Republic%20of%20the%20Congo accessed 5 January 2014

[2] Piarroux, R. et al., ‘Plague Epidemics and Lice, Democratic Republic of the Congo’, letter Emerging Infectious Diseases, Vol.19 No.3, March 2013, http://wwwnc.cdc.gov/eid/article/19/3/12-1542_article.htm  

COUNTERPOINT

MONUSCO is working on improving the humanitarian situation in the DRC. They deliver humanitarian help and medical equipment. For example the peacekeepers regularly build health clinics.[1] Quick impact programmes are specially meant to address humanitarian issues and work with the population affected. Without the work of the UN, the desperate situation of the Congolese people would be even worse.

[1] ‘MONUSCO Builds and Equips a Medical Clinic in Mahagi, Ituri District, Oriental Province’, MONUSCO, 12 September 2013, http://monusco.unmissions.org/Default.aspx?ctl=Details&tabid=10662&mid=14594&ItemID=20152

POINT

There is considerable evidence of a continuation of criminality linked to exploitation, including fraud, smuggling, counterfeit money, extortion, and tax evasion. Many natural riches are flown directly out of the country without being taxed – or worse being taxed by rebel groups. FRPI for example collects a tax of 3-5g per week from mines within their control. It is estimated by the UN that $383-409million worth of gold was smuggled out of the country in 2013.[1]

Reports indicate that criminal networks with political links transport and sell ‘unofficial’ quantities of minerals and other forms of wealth – such as ivory as a result of poaching, in return for arms. Child and slave labour is still being used – it has been estimated that in small mines up to 40% of the miners are children.[2]

[1] Alusala, Nelson et al., ‘Final report of the Group of Experts on the Democratic Republic of the Congo’, United Nations Security Council, S/2014/42, 23 January 2014, http://www.un.org/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=S/2014/42, pp.36, 37, 42, 46

[2] ‘Child Miners Speak’, WorldVision, May 2013, http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Child%20Miners%20Speak%20_English%20report.pdf, p.10

COUNTERPOINT

The recorded economy of the DRC and its real GDP are showing signs of growth. The UN Panel of Experts has finally provided detailed information about the involvement of a range of African, European and North American businesses in illegal or illicit exploitation of natural resources in the DRC. Sanctions have been implemented to help stop these practices.[1] With the support of the UN, measures have been implemented intended to increase the control of the ministry of finance over state expenditure, and new statutes have strengthened the independence of the Central Bank.

[1] ‘Resolution 2136 (2014)’, United Nations Security Council, 30 January 2014, http://www.securitycouncilreport.org/atf/cf/%7B65BFCF9B-6D27-4E9C-8CD3-CF6E4FF96FF9%7D/s_res_2136.pdf

POINT

The government is a place of constant ethnic frictions that impede the performance of its duties.[1] Corruption is rife; the world bank gives DRC a control of corruption rate of only 5%.[2] But the biggest problem is that the government can’t exercise control over the country. The vastness of Congo, and its lack of any roads or rail links between population centers, ensures this is the case. People have no trust in the democratic structures and display no national feeling. Instead loyalties are to the more than 200 ethnic groups. Some of which are shared with neighbouring countries – which are geographically closer so loyalties lie more with those countries than the DRC government. This is also a problem with other resources such as tin.[3] The UN has been able to do little to prevent government corruption, or to encourage greater national feeling.

[1] ‘Annan disquieted by rising factionalism in DR of Congo Government’, UN News Centre, 30 March 2004, http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=10263&Cr=democratic&Cr1=congo

[2] Worldwide Governance Indicators, ‘Country Data Report for Congo, Dem. Rep., 1996-2012’, The World Bank, http://info.worldbank.org/governance/wgi/index.aspx#countryReports

[3] Herbst, Jeffrey, and Mills, Greg, ‘DRC: The only way to help Congo is to stop pretending it exists’, Congo DRC News, 26 July 2013, http://congodrcnews.com/?p=2876

COUNTERPOINT

While a factional, corrupt government that can’t control its territory is an impediment to peace it is not the United Nations main responsibility. MONUSCO has done what it can in coordination with other United Nations agencies, donors and non-governmental organizations, providing assistance for the reform of security forces, and the re-establishment of a State based on the rule of law. It has more than 2,000 civilian staff helping to build institutions. In the years after the Lushaka agreement revenue collection doubled from 6.5% in 2001 to 13.2% of GDP in 2006 showing that the government bureaucracy is being put back on its feet even before the conflict is completely ended.[1] It also shows the government does still have control. As a result international investment has started to flow in and life is better for the large majority of Congolese, especially in the calmer western areas.

[1] Harsch, Ernest, ‘Building a state for the Congolese people’, Africa Renewal, January 2008, http://www.un.org/africarenewal/magazine/january-2008/building-state-congolese-people

POINT

UN troops have sometimes perpetrated violence themselves. 63 soldiers were expelled in 2005 from the mission due to being involved in abuses. In 2008 100 Indian blue helmets were accused of paying for sex with underage girls. The allegations have continued with a reported attack and gang rape of a 15 year old in February 2011.[1]

Moreover the effort to professionalise the Congolese army has also had little impact; the 391st Commando Battalion trained by US special forces has been accused of taking part in the rape of 97 women and 33 girls in November 2012.[2] If even those meant to keep the peace are perpetrating violence the mission has to be considered a failure.

[1] Caplan, Gerald, ‘Peacekeepers gone wild: How much more abuse will the UN ignore in Congo?’, The Globe and Mail, 3 August 2012, http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/politics/second-reading/peacekeepers-gone-wild-how-much-more-abuse-will-the-un-ignore-in-congo/article4462151/

[2] Whitlock, Craig, ‘U.S.-trained Congolese troops committed rapes and other atrocities, U.N. says’, Washington Post, 14 May 2013, http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/national-security/us-trained-congolese-troops-committed-rapes-and-other-atrocities-un-says/2013/05/13/9781dd88-bbfe-11e2-a31d-a41b2414d001_story.html

COUNTERPOINT

While such incidents are abhorrent and the UN has recognised “that an ugly stain is left on these heroic efforts by the appalling misconduct of a minority of peacekeepers”[1] such instances do not jeopardise the overall mission. Few minor instances should be treated as criminality not equated with a country in civil war.

[1] Annan, Kofi, ‘In Africa, Annan stresses that peacekeepers must adhere to conduct standards’, UN News Centre, 30 January 2005, http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=13179&Cr=peacekeeping&Cr1=#.UvJbPrQUrDw

Bibliography

African Union et al., ‘Joint Declaration on the presidential and parliamentary elections in the Democratic Republic of Congo’, au.int, 30 November 2011, http://www.au.int/en/sites/default/files/Joint_Statement_-_English%5B1%5D.pdf

Alusala, Nelson et al., ‘Final report of the Group of Experts on the Democratic Republic of the Congo’, United Nations Security Council, S/2014/42, 23 January 2014, http://www.un.org/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=S/2014/42

Annan, Kofi, ‘In Africa, Annan stresses that peacekeepers must adhere to conduct standards’, UN News Centre, 30 January 2005, http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=13179&Cr=peacekeeping&Cr1=#.UvJbPrQUrDw

‘Democratic Republic of Congo: Disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) and reform of the army’, Amnesty International, 25 January 2007, http://www.refworld.org/docid/45b99e572.html

‘DR Congo government 'signs deal with M23 in Kenya'’, BBC News, 12 December 2013, http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-25357821

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Caplan, Gerald, ‘Peacekeepers gone wild: How much more abuse will the UN ignore in Congo?’, The Globe and Mail, 3 August 2012, http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/politics/second-reading/peacekeepers-gone-wild-how-much-more-abuse-will-the-un-ignore-in-congo/article4462151/

Coghlan, Benjamin et al., ‘Mortality in the Democratic Republic of Congo: a nationwide survey’, Lancet, vol 367, 2006, pp.44-51 http://conflict.lshtm.ac.uk/media/DRC_mort_2003_2004_Coghlan_Lancet_2006.pdf p.49

Enough Team, ‘A First for Congo: Local Elections Announced for 2014’, enough, 26 November 2013, http://www.enoughproject.org/blogs/first-congo-local-elections-announced-2014

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